On December 11, 2019, the Berghof Foundation hosted a confidential expert workshop on “Salafi jihadi armed groups – (De)escalation trajectories and dialogue engagement”, with funding and support by the German Foundation for Peace Research and the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. This workshop aimed to discuss findings and policy implications from a two-year research project based on in-depth interviews with experts and practitioners in/on Mali, Syria and Somalia. It also offered a space for peer-exchange and mutual learning between organisations active in the field of dialogue engagement with Salafi-jihadi armed groups, including governments, international organisations and INGOs. Discussions addressed questions such as: What are specific ‘ripeness’ factors and entry-points for dialogue with Islamist armed groups, in order to reduce violence or pave the way for a peaceful political settlement? What is the role of ideology and religious-based dialogue in incentivizing behavioural de-escalation? What strategies are helpful in fostering a conducive environment for engagement, while mitigating spoiling behaviour within the (global) Salafi jihadi scene? What are future options for dialogue engagement by local bridge-builders as well as international third parties? This workshop report summarises the content and outcomes of these discussions.

This policy brief highlights recommendations for evidence-based policy making on pathways to conflict de-escalation with Salafi jihadi armed groups. It proposes a more nuanced public discussion of the topic. This brief draws mainly on the research report “Dialogue with Salafi jihadi armed groups: Challenges and opportunities for conflict de-escalation” which concludes a two-year research project based on case studies in Somalia, Syria and Mali.

Lorsqu'en 2012, le conflit violent éclate au Mali, le groupe armé salafi-djihadiste (GASD) Ansar Dine devient rapidement l'un de ses principaux protagonistes. Son chef Iyad Ag Ghaly a conservé un rôle de premier plan au sein de l'entité Jamāʿat nuṣrat al-islām wal-muslimīn (groupe de soutien à l'Islam et aux Musulmans, JNIM) formée en mars 2017. Cette étude de cas analyse trois tournants stratégiques opérés par Ansar Dine (puis par le JNIM), et souligne une évolution non linéaire vers une escalade progressive du conflit, tant au niveau de l’expansion géographique qu’au niveau de l’intensité de la violence. L'étude explore les dynamiques organisationnels et idéologiques qui ont contribué à ce changement de comportement tels que les rapports de pouvoir à l’intérieur du groupe, ainsi que le rôle de facteurs externes qui ont influencé les choix stratégiques d'Ansar Dine. L'étude conclut en explorant les possibles scénarios futurs de désamorçage du conflit.

The handbook is designed to help civil society actors in contested spaces and conflict settings provide safety for their communities. It outlines the key principles of the community safety approach and provides practical guidance on how to identify security challenges and how to implement strategies to counter them. The handbook was originally developed for civil society actors in Syria, but it can also be used in other contexts. The handbook is currently also available in Arabic.

This mapping outlines the situation faced by the population in all 22 governorates of Yemen. We see this as a working draft and welcome any additions, corrections, or comments you might have. The mapping highlights the economic activities and resources that remain available and introduces the local administration and the situation of the local council in each governorate. It explores the extent to which different institutions of local authority — local councils, executive offices, and governors’ offices — continue to perform their mandates, and provides an overview of the availability of basic services, especially in the health, education, and water and sanitation sectors. The mapping is based on the review and analysis of documents, statistics, and official reports by Yemeni and international organizations, published studies and research, and interviews with local leaders in the governorates.

Das Berghof Glossar zur Konflikttransformation und Friedensförderung stellt die wichtigsten Grundprinzipien und -ansätze unserer Arbeit vor, in der wir Menschen und Konfliktparteien auf der ganzen Welt bei ihren Bestrebungen begleiten, eine friedlichere Zukunft zu schaffen.

Carl sets the background of his study as such: Behind the headlines of reformed and new constitutions lie complex and dynamic processes with prominent and less prominent actors and initiatives, all taking place in same space and time as the ongoing crisis and conflicts. When successful, their actions add up to processes of constitution building that represent a new and purposeful dynamic of accommodation and assertion of a new law-based order. This transformative change emerges out of the counter-current of powerful and self-perpetuating economic, political and social systems of conflict. Within this background, Carl addresses questions like: what do we know about how such change processes happen, and what can we learn from those deliberate, planned and implemented projects, initiatives and interventions? He sets out a series of framing issues and concepts.

Töpperwien focuses on third party interventions in the field of mediation and constitution building in conflict contexts. Based on different practitioner-oriented literature, she looks at the different processes and sub-processes around the nexus to analyse the theories of change and the resulting intervention strategies that focus on the transition from armed intra-state conflict to a functioning constitutional order. She identifies the perceived similarities and differences, tensions and complementarities in respect to applied principles that can be encountered.

Nathan seeks to contribute to an understanding of the relationship between comprehensive peace agreements (CPAs) and post-conflict constitutions (PCCs). He defines a PCC as a new or revised constitution enacted as part of efforts to end a violent intra-state conflict and prevent its recurrence. This definition focuses on the purpose and not the timing of the constitutional reform. It encompasses constitutional reform that precedes, follows or takes the place of a CPA in an intended transition from intra-state conflict to sustainable peace. On this background, Nathan addresses three questions: How do conflict parties see the substantive and legal relationship between CPAs and PCCs when they are negotiating a settlement to end armed conflict? Why do the parties to a CPA frequently wish to constitutionalize their negotiated settlement in whole or in part? And what is the substantive and legal relationship between CPAs and PCCs after constitutional reform has taken place?